The Role of Trade Unions in Kenya’s Struggle for Social and Economic Justice

By Rose Tunguru

Kenya is witnessing a wave of change. Long accustomed to preserving the status quo, many have found themselves face-to-face with a new generation of youth who are disenfranchised, unemployed, or underemployed, despite being highly educated.

It is undeniable that the events of June last year have left a significant mark across every sector. What was initially dismissed as a mere issue of “disgruntled youth” has steadily evolved into a national concern. Today, every Kenyan of working age, whether they are a high-paid professional, a “hustler”, a street vendor, a bodaboda rider, a police officer, or a secretary in a corporate office, can relate to the pervasive sense of hopelessness that the current leadership has instilled across the nation.The role of workers in the resistance

Workers are crucial as they represent the backbone of society. Whether employed or unemployed, they encompass the majority of Kenya’s adult population. What if these workers, united by their shared struggles, decided to come together? The government would undoubtedly find itself under intense pressure. And this is precisely where the Central Organization of Trade Unions (COTU) should step in, mobilizing and representing workers’ collective interests.

Trade Unions as agents of liberation

Around the world, trade unions have played transformative political and social roles by representing workers’ interests and actively shaping policy. In Poland, the Solidarity movement led by Lech Wałęsa was instrumental in toppling communist rule and establishing democratic governance. In Argentina, the CGT (General Confederation of Labour) has influenced social welfare policies and labor laws through its alignment with Peronist politics. In Sweden, unions like IF Metall have ensured nearly universal collective bargaining coverage and negotiated directly with global corporations to protect worker rights. Belgian unions actively participate in national policy discussions on public finance and education, reflecting their deep integration into governance. In the UK, unions historically aligned with the Labour Party have shaped labor-friendly legislation, though new parties like Reform UK are now courting working-class support. These examples show that trade unions, when independent and member-driven, can hold substantial power in ensuring fair labor practices and shaping national agendas.

Perhaps this is why the notion of a single representative for all workers is so essential. But the question remains: Has the current representative, Francis Atwoli, truly served the workers as expected? As the Secretary General of COTU for over two decades, Atwoli has been at the helm of labor leadership in Kenya, but lately his tenure has been marred by controversy.

A true representative should speak for the collective voice of the working class, but how can one truly represent workers when they lead a life far removed from the realities of those they claim to serve? How can a representative be credible when they travel in a luxury vehicle, such as a rainbow-colored Mercedes Benz, which 98% of the workers they represent may never even see, let alone drive? How can one be considered a true worker’s representative when they have been quoted calling other workers “poor”, further distancing themselves from the very people they are meant to champion?

Does trade unionism, under a single umbrella body, still have a place in today’s Kenya?

History of Trade Unions in Kenya Since Independence

Pre-Independence Foundations (1930s–1963)

The roots of Kenya’s trade unionism trace back to the 1930s, during British colonial rule. Early pioneers such as Makhan Singh, Fred Kubai, and Bildad Kaggia established some of the first trade unions, including the Indian Trade Union (later the Labour Trade Union of Kenya), the Transport and Allied Workers Union (TAWU), and the Clerks and Commercial Workers Union (CCWU). These unions were instrumental in advocating for workers’ rights and also played a significant role in the broader independence movement.

In 1950, the East African Trade Union Congress (EATUC) was formed, uniting various unions under one umbrella. However, the colonial government’s suppression of political activism led to the detention of many union leaders, including Makhan Singh, who was imprisoned for 11 years, the longest ever political detention in Kenya’s history.

Post-Independence Consolidation (1963–1980s)

Following independence, the Kenyan government recognized the importance of a unified labor movement. In 1965, the Central Organization of Trade Unions (COTU) was established, consolidating the Kenya Federation of Labour and the African Workers’ Congress. COTU became the national trade union center, representing the majority of Kenyan workers.This period saw the formation of various sectoral unions, including the Kenya National Union of Teachers (KNUT) in 1957, which played a crucial role in advocating for educators’ rights.Modern Era (2000–Present)

In the 21st century, Kenyan trade unions have expanded their influence both nationally and internationally. They have been active in advocating for labor rights, social justice, and economic reforms. Notably, the 2010 Kenyan Constitution incorporated labor rights, reflecting the unions’ significant role in shaping national policies.Sectoral Trade Unions in Kenya (Chronological Order)This is not a comprehensive list, but it highlights some of Kenya’s oldest trade unions.

The Evolution of Trade Union Leadership in Kenya Since Independence

The trajectory of trade union leadership in Kenya since independence reflects the dynamic interplay between labor, politics, and socio-economic change. Following the foundational contributions of colonial-era figures such as Makhan Singh and Fred Kubai, who laid the groundwork for organized labor resistance, leadership passed to Tom Mboya, whose influence would profoundly shape the postcolonial labor movement.

Serving as Secretary General of the Kenya Federation of Labour from 1953 to 1963, Mboya professionalized and centralized union operations, negotiated critical gains for African workers, and strategically aligned labor with the nationalist struggle. His diplomacy, international connections, and political acumen elevated labor leaders into national relevance and positioned trade unions as legitimate political stakeholders.

Following Mboya’s transition to government and the consolidation of labor organizations, the Central Organization of Trade Unions (COTU-K) was established in 1965 as the umbrella body for Kenyan trade unions. Clement Lubembe, the first Secretary General of COTU, served from 1965 to 1975. His leadership, though stabilizing, was closely aligned with President Kenyatta’s administration, leading to concerns about union autonomy. Under Lubembe, COTU operated within the constraints of a state-sanctioned labor structure, favoring industrial peace over agitation.

Dennis Akumu succeeded Lubembe and served as Secretary General from 1975 to 1980. A pan-Africanist and former associate of Mboya, Akumu brought renewed assertiveness to the role. While operating under a politically restrictive environment, he advocated for greater union independence and sought to connect Kenyan labor with broader continental struggles through his work with the Organization of African Trade Union Unity. His tenure, though brief, reintroduced a more critical stance within labor leadership.

From 1980 to 1994, James Karebe led COTU during the authoritarian Moi regime. His leadership emphasized stability and cooperation with the government. However, this approach limited the unions’ ability to challenge structural inequalities or resist growing state interference. Trade union activity was subdued, and labor was largely sidelined in national policy debates. Karebe’s era is often characterized as one of cautious preservation rather than proactive leadership.

Joseph Mugalla’s tenure from 1994 to 2001 coincided with the era of economic liberalization and Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs), which resulted in widespread retrenchments, wage stagnation, and weakened job security. Mugalla attempted to reposition the unions as defenders of workers amid harsh economic realities, but his leadership was undermined by internal divisions and declining union membership. While he recognized the need for reform, his impact was limited by institutional inertia and political ambiguity.

In 2001, Francis Atwoli was elected Secretary General of COTU, marking a significant shift in tone and visibility. Atwoli revitalized the public image of trade unions through outspoken advocacy, direct engagement in national policy, and regional and global representation. He led campaigns against labor casualization, advocated for minimum wage adjustments, and pushed for reforms in the National Social Security Fund (NSSF). Under his leadership, COTU became a critical player in Kenya’s constitutional reform process and labor law reviews.

Francis Atwoli has served under every Kenyan president, and many remember his early days as a bold, firebrand unionist, especially during landmark events like the 2002 teachers’ strike, where he appeared to stand firmly with workers. The teachers were protesting a long-standing pay dispute with the government, including a 1997 wage agreement that they argued had only been partially fulfilled.

However, over the years, Atwoli has increasingly aligned himself with successive governments, often shifting loyalties to suit the administration of the day. This perceived proximity to power has come at the cost of genuine worker advocacy, with many feeling abandoned. Additionally, questions linger about his wealth, which seems inconsistent with the official salary of a trade unionist, casting further doubt on his continued credibility.

Atwoli’s extended tenure has drawn criticism for stifling internal democracy and consolidating power. While he is credited with defending workers’ interests, questions remain about succession planning and long-term institutional integrity.

How COTU’s leadership is selected

Since Francis Atwoli became Secretary General of COTU in 2001, few have successfully challenged his leadership. Early contenders included Boniface Munyao, Peter Muthee, and Joseph Mujema, but Atwoli won decisively. Despite occasional dissent, Atwoli has been repeatedly re-elected unopposed, maintaining strong support from COTU’s affiliate unions.

George Muchai (1949–2015) was a Kenyan trade unionist and politician known for his unwavering advocacy for workers’ rights and his bold stance against corruption within labor unions. He served as the Deputy Secretary-General of the Central Organisation of Trade Unions (COTU) and was elected as the Member of Parliament for Kabete Constituency in 2013. Muchai’s commitment to transparency led him to publicly accuse senior COTU officials, including Secretary-General Francis Atwoli, of embezzling union funds and operating secret accounts. He sought legal action to audit COTU’s finances, a move that intensified tensions within the union leadership. Tragically, on February 7, 2015, Muchai was assassinated in Nairobi along with his two bodyguards and driver, a crime that shocked the nation and remains unresolved.

This brings us to the question of how the COTU leadership is selected.

Is the COTU leadership seat akin to the British royal family’s throne, passed on to a select, haloed royal when the current leader’s tenure ends? Or is it truly meant to represent the interests of the ordinary worker? Where do we, the everyday workers and the unemployed, have a say in choosing our leaders?Democracy

The leadership of COTU (Central Organization of Trade Unions) in Kenya is selected through a democratic process, with union members voting for their leaders during scheduled elections. These elections are governed by the union’s constitution and overseen by an election committee to ensure fairness. The process involves electing key leaders such as the president, secretary general, and other officials, all of whom are expected to represent the interests of the workers. Candidates typically need to meet eligibility criteria, such as being a registered and active member of the union.Who are the voters?

In Kenya, trade union membership and voting rights are typically tied to employment status. For most unions, membership is granted to those who are employed in specific sectors or industries. However, for the unemployed to vote or participate in trade union leadership selection, they would typically need to be members of a union that has provisions for such members.

In practice, unions often focus on workers who are employed, but some unions may allow the unemployed to join as associate members. If an unemployed person is an associate member, they may have limited voting rights or other forms of involvement. However, the specifics can vary from one union to another, depending on their rules and constitution.

If you are unemployed and wish to vote or be involved, you would need to check with your specific union to see if they allow unemployed members to participate in the election process. Unions like COTU generally represent workers, but there may be pathways for unemployed individuals to have a voice, depending on the union’s policies.

Why does all this matter?

I’m reminded of a phrase often used by Dr. Wandia Njoya: “work is dignifying.” Meaningful, honest, and rewarding work gives people a sense of purpose and worth. When unemployment is high, that dignity is stripped away from citizens. And when the leadership that is meant to represent us fails to address this, then one must ask, what purpose does that leadership truly serve?

The term “brain drain,” familiar to many of us who grew up in the 1990s, has returned with full force. Skilled professionals across various fields such as medicine, engineering, hospitality, as well as domestic workers like security guards and maids, are increasingly seeking employment opportunities abroad. Nearly everyone knows someone – a relative, a former classmate, or a neighbor – who has left the country to find work elsewhere.

The situation has become so dire that many Kenyans are falling victim to scams often linked to individuals in powerful leadership positions or those with close connections to them. These cases rarely reach full prosecution, and even when one fraudster is exposed, several more quickly emerge to take their place.

Scams

The Uasin Gishu County overseas education program, initially presented as a scholarship opportunity for students to study in Finland and Canada, is one such scandal.Mandago’s Finland education scam gained national attention when Mercy Tarus, a 24-year-old graduate and one of the affected students, publicly confronted Uasin Gishu leaders, including former Governor Jackson Mandago. In a widely circulated video, she passionately criticized them for keeping victims waiting for hours and for the betrayal of trust, highlighting the injustice of paying large sums for a failed overseas education program. Tarus emotionally recalled having studied alongside Mandago’s child, pointing out the stark contrast in their life outcomes as a symbol of the unequal systems fueled by corruption and impunity.Mercy Tarus has since received a refund and is now residing abroad, despite having led an online campaign titled “Kenya ni Home.”

This brain drain is also state-sponsored. The Kenyan government’s overseas employment program, led by Labour Cabinet Secretary Alfred Mutua, is intended to ease local unemployment by linking citizens to jobs in countries like Qatar and Saudi Arabia. However, many participants have paid steep fees (up to KSh 200,000) without being placed in jobs. Mutua has attributed the delays to logistical hurdles such as medical clearances and paperwork, while denying any fraudulent activity.

Meanwhile for those of us who chose to remain, our workers’ rights are constantly being undermined.

Those who choose self-employment often find themselves working for politicians or powerful people who fail to pay for services rendered.

Unqualified politicians exploit the professional space, undermining its integrity. For instance, Aisha Jumwa was appointed as non-executive chairperson of the Kenya Roads Board yet she has absolutely no engineering background.The Institution of Engineers of Kenya (IEK) called for its revocation, but she still holds the position.

Kapseret MP Oscar Sudi, who has faced scrutiny over his academic qualifications, was awarded an honorary doctorate in Leadership, Administration, and Management by Northwestern Christian University-Kenya in December 2024. The doctorate controversially included the title “Eng.” before his name, implying he held professional engineering credentials. This led the Engineering Board of Kenya (EBK) to order the university to withdraw the degree, citing violations of the Engineers Act, 2011. Additionally, the Commission for University Education (CUE) declared the university unaccredited, raising questions about the legitimacy of the institution and its degrees.

Then there’s the issue of CBC, now CBE.

The rushed implementation of education reforms, coupled with a shortage of trained teachers and deep-rooted systemic inequalities, is severely affecting the education system. As a parent, I am directly experiencing the consequences of the Ministry of Education’s constant changes to the syllabus. Initially, we were told there would be 13 subjects, so we purchased textbooks accordingly, only for the number of subjects to be reduced, with frequent changes thereafter. Text books that would be reused by younger siblings are rendered useless.

Our schools are ill-equipped, with teachers untrained in the new subjects, and to this day, we don’t have an approved list of set books for 2025 as parents. Our children are being used as guinea pigs in this chaotic system, while those who can afford to do so are shifting to international educational systems, deepening the class divide.

Conclusion

All these issues may seem disconnected, but they are deeply tied to the lives of workers. Where are the workers’ leaders when all these issues unfold without resolution? The very leadership we are told we elect seems more focused on enriching themselves than standing up for the workers they claim to represent.

The majority of us are workers, striving for better opportunities. We may never get to see a million shillings in our accounts, and yet we continue to work, hoping for a better future. In acceptance of our lot in life, we should demand better working conditions, a living wage, and genuine representation as workers. Why should we rely on someone like Atwoli, who is so far removed from our reality, to speak for us and advocate on our behalf?

We have no one left to defend the dignity of our work. Francis Atwoli has failed in his mandate as a workers’ representative. After decades at the helm of COTU, it is time for change. #AtwoliRetire